Monday, December 16, 2019
Friday, November 29, 2019
Wednesday, November 20, 2019
Saturday, September 21, 2019
Friday, August 16, 2019
Gagable Tributes
O'erwhelming forces of darkness prevail;
Still in the fight see advancing before us,
Red flag of liberty that yet shall prevail.
Then all of you workers
Rightly will reign,
All over the world and the land and the sea,
On with the fight for the cause of humanity!
March march you toilers, and the world shall be free!
Death to the kings and the rich parasites,
Tremble before our sacred rage;
The old order down we shall strike,
Crops of the future harvest we will.
Friday, August 2, 2019
Friday, July 5, 2019
Not Quite Absolute Anarchy
Nestor Makhno and the Insurrectionary Anarchist Army
Ukrainian anarchist guerrilla bands were active during the Russian Civil War. Some claimed to be loyal to the Ukrainian state, but others acknowledged no allegiance; all fought both the Red and White Armies with equal ferocity in the opening stages of the Civil War. Of all the anarchist groups, the most famous and successful was that of the peasant anarchist leader Nestor Makhno, aka Batko ("Father"), who began operations in the southeastern Ukraine against the Hetmanate regime in July 1918. In September, he formed the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine, or Anarchist Black Army, with arms and equipment largely obtained from retreating Austro-Hungarian and German forces. During the Civil War, the Black Army numbered between 15,000 and 110,000 men[2] and was organized on conventional lines, with infantry, cavalry, and artillery units; artillery batteries were attached to each infantry brigade. Makhno's cavalry incorporated both regular and irregular (guerrilla) horse-mounted forces, and was considered among the best-trained and most capable of any of the cavalry units deployed by any side in the Russian Civil War.[3]
The Bolshevik government and Red Army commanders often referred to the Black Army as "Makhnovist forces", because they pointedly declined to accord the Ukrainian anarchists the status of having an army or a legitimate political movement. Volin described the Insurrectionary Black Army of the time (less its cavalry, which normally ranged far afield) as follows: The infantry, when it was not fighting, led the march of the army ... [The Black Army also used horse-drawn carts or] tachankas. Each of these vehicles, which were drawn by two horses, carried the driver on the front seat and two soldiers behind them. In some sections a machine-gun was installed on the seat between them. The artillery brought up the rear. A huge black flag floated over the first carriage. The slogans Liberty or Death and The Land to the Peasants, the Factories to the Workers were embroidered in silver on its two sides.[4]
A main obstacle to the anarchist army, and one which it never overcame throughout its existence, was a lack of access to primary industrial manufacturing resources, specifically factories capable of producing large amounts of arms and ammunition. Denied large-scale arms shipments from the Bolshevik government in Moscow, and without arsenal manufacturing centers of its own, the Black Army was forced to rely on captures of munition depots and supplies from enemy forces, and to procure food and horses from the local civilian population.
Friday, April 5, 2019
Monday, February 25, 2019
Not Quite Absolute Marxist Film Criticisms
Leon Trotsky’s grandson, Esteban Volkov and Mexico and Argentina CEIP-LT Centro de Estudios, Investigación y Publicaciones Leon Trotsky began a petition repudiating the slanderous mini-series “Trotsky”. The show was first produced in Russia and aired on Channel One in 2017, then in 2018 it was purchased and aired on Netflix.
Distinguished academics, writers, journalists, artists and political activists from around the world have joined in repudiating this defamatory show, including authors Slavoj Žižek, Robert Brenner, Fredric Jameson, Michael Löwy and Susan Weissman. The Socialist Feminist authors of the book: “Feminism for the 99%: A Manifesto” have also signed: Cinzia Arruza, Tithi Bhattacharya and Nancy Fraser. Other prominent politicians have signed on as well, including a member of Argentine National Congress and former Presidential candidate, Nicolas del Caño of the PTS, as well as the Brazilian PSOL’s mayoral candidate: Marcelo Freixo.
If you would like to add your name to the signatories of this letter or you need information about the statement, email us at: leftvoiceemail@gmail.com
This statement was originally published in the CEIP-LT website.
Netflix and the Russian Government Join Forces to Spread Lies About Trotsky
US entertainment company Netflix recently broadcast the mini-series Trotsky, directed by Alexander Kott and Konstantin Statsky. The show, which first premiered on the popular state-controlled Channel One of the Russian Federation in November 2017 claims to be a portrait of the Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky but is really little more than a political attack disguised as historical drama. While the historical inaccuracy of the series is obvious to even the most amateur historian, its very existence raises an important question. Why is it, a hundred years after the Russian Revolution, that Vladimir Putin’s state-run broadcaster has chosen Leon Trotsky as the subject for this big-budget TV production?
Knowing Putin’s own Stalinist past as a director of the KGB and his undisguised nostalgia for Tsarist Great Russia, one could hardly expect Russian state TV to commission a series that honestly and objectively portrays the life and work of the man who was, along with Lenin, the most important leader of the October Revolution. What is Putin’s aim in giving in this show a new lease of life to the falsehoods surrounding Trotsky? Why heap further abuse on past revolutionaries when Russia has already restored capitalism and nothing seems to seriously challenge the new Russian bourgeoisie or Putin, who has run the country for the last 18 years? And why would Netflix, a media outlet reaching millions of people in the world, choose to stream a series like this?
Here are some of the main historical falsifications presented in the show:
1. While the series is not strictly a documentary, its creators allege that it is based on fact. Nevertheless, the show perpetuates the very same lies employed by imperialists, Tsarists and Stalinists in the 20th century in order to undermine Trotsky and his followers as the bureaucratization of the USSR progressed. These falsehoods were refuted back in 1937 by the Dewey Commission, a special investigation conducted in Mexico which absolved Trotsky of the charges leveled against him during the Moscow Trials.
2. Against all historical evidence and in contradiction with the views of his contemporaries, Trotsky’s personality is shown as egocentric, messianic, authoritarian and competitive, which the show implicitly links to his Jewish roots. In his old age, he suffers from hallucinations, tormented by remorse over his “crimes” during the revolution.
3. Frank Jackson (the pseudonym of Stalinist agent Ramón Mercader) is represented in the show as an honest, critical and sensitive Stalinist journalist who establishes a relationship with Trotsky in order to write his biography. In fact, Trotsky was unaware of Mercader’s Stalinist affiliation and their relationship was restricted to brief encounters; these meetings were always initiated by Mercader, who, as a member of the NKVD, was assigned the task of assassinating Trotsky. He would go on to murder Trotsky in August 1940.
4. The show painfully misrepresents the Russian revolutions. The workers, peasants, soldiers and the Russian people are shown as being completely coerced by ambitious leaders like Lenin and Trotsky who make all of their decisions for them. The Soviets of 1905 are disparaged as mere platforms for these individuals’ speeches. There is no representation of class struggle, reducing all conflict to petty confrontations between individuals and quests for revenge. In reality, the revolution of 1917 was one of the largest and most radical mass movements in history, not only against Tsarism but also against the provisional bourgeois government and Kornilov’s counter-revolution. It established Soviet power with the active participation of the exploited and oppressed, led by the Bolshevik Party. The series, on the other hand, portrays the revolution as a petty struggle for power and the revolutionaries as manipulative psychopaths.
5. It denigrates Trotsky’s relationships with women. Trotsky’s first wife Aleksandra Sokolovskaia, a great Bolshevik in her own right, is portrayed as a housewife whom Trotsky abandons along with his two daughters. In truth, Aleksandra was the leader of the first Marxist circle that Trotsky joined, when he was 16 years old. The two were deported to Siberia with their daughters and Aleksandra helped Trotsky to flee while she stayed in Russia. The series goes on to show Natalia Sedova, his second wife, captivating Trotsky with her beauty and subsequently settling into the role of personal secretary and dedicated housewife. But Natalia also belonged to the Soviet Commissariat of Education after the revolution and oversaw the protection of museums and ancient monuments during the fighting.
Even more problematic, however, is the show’s depiction of Trotsky’s relationship with his children. The series makes Trotsky out to be a neglectful and distant parent consumed with his own political ambitions, going so far as to show him using his own sons as human shields during an alleged assassination attempt during the revolution. The series repeatedly refers back to Trotsky’s guilt over the deaths of his sons, which haunts him until his death; unsurprisingly, it makes no mention of the part Stalinists played in the murder of these children. In reality, all four children supported their parents’ political activity, especially Leon Sedov, Trotsky’s closest collaborator and promoter, and the main organizer of the clandestine Russian Left Opposition. What’s more, the great Larissa Reissner is reduced to a femme fatale, the (mainly sexual) companion of Trotsky on the armored train. In reality, Reissner wrote about the civil war and had an important place in the Fifth Army and the revolution. She embarked on the Volga flotilla, took part in the fighting and participated in the German revolution – she was one of the most prominent Bolshevik female cadres until her death in 1926.
6. Trotsky’s relationship with Lenin before and during the revolution is presented as a relationship of occasional convenience and a bitter struggle of egos, to the extent that Lenin at one point considers throwing Trotsky off a balcony! The series fails to show that Lenin played the leading role in the October Revolution. It also omits the fact that from September 1917 Lenin was arguing in the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party for an immediate insurrection which he and Trotsky agreed would be the beginning of the dictatorship of the proletariat. After the seizure of power, while waiting for the Congress of Soviets to start, the two rested together on blankets on the floor and made preparations for the Congress. Furthermore, Stalin is presented merely as Lenin’s secretary, but Lenin’s true assessment of Stalin can be seen in his Testament and also in his criticism of Stalin’s “Great Russian chauvinism” over the Georgian question.
7. During the Brest-Litovsk negotiations with the German empire, Trotsky orders the distribution of subversive pamphlets to provoke a rebellion against the Kaiser, which subsequently fails and later justifies the German offensive. The great opponents of the signing of the treaty are the former Tsarist generals, and not the Social Revolutionary Party, as was actually the case. Jackson, in turn, blames Trotsky for not having defended Russia with the Cossacks. The series omits the fact that the Soviet Congress approved the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty which ended Russia’s participation in World War I (one of the most important demands of the Russian masses) and that, in the absence of a response from the Allies, Russia had finally begun negotiations with Germany, where the imperialist war efforts were being supported by the German Social Democratic Party. Both Lenin and Trotsky saw the Brest negotiations as a platform to advance the world revolution, especially the German revolution.
8. When Trotsky is tasked with the formation of the Red Army, the show portrays him leading the armored train like a combination of a rock star, sex symbol, and murderer, who even approves the massacre of villagers at a funeral. It shows Trotsky responding to a mutiny in Kronstadt in 1918 (which actually took place in 1921) by forging charges and coercing witnesses with the sole purpose of condemning the mutiny’s leader to death. The show only names the Czech offensive and not the 14 imperialist armies and the Tsarist Whites that the Red Army had to face throughout the immensity of the Soviet territory. It also fails to mention the years of the imperialist economic blockade. With regard to the actual Kronstadt mutiny in 1921, it must be taken into account that the composition of its garrison was totally different from what it was in 1917 when it had been the vanguard of the revolution. The counter-revolutionary character of the mutiny was confirmed by the appearance of news, both in the international press and that of the Russian exiles, two weeks before the events took place. Trotsky also highlighted how the stock markets rose as the news of the Kronstadt mutiny spread.
9. The founding of the Third International is never mentioned in the TV series, but Trotsky declares his ambition to conquer the world! The history of the revolution ends with Lenin’s death; that is, it omits the Left Opposition founded by Trotsky; it erases the counter-revolutionary era of Stalin and the Moscow Trials, as well as the detentions, tortures, confinement in concentration camps, and executions suffered by almost all the Bolshevik leaders of the revolution and anyone suspected of opposing the power of the bureaucratic regime. Turning history on its head, the show attributes all these crimes to Trotsky, including the murder of the Romanovs.
10. Only in the last episode does Jackson’s real name appear, when someone from the NKVD demands that he fulfill his task to assassinate Trotsky. A sick Trotsky asks Jackson to come into his house. Meanwhile, a telegram arrives from the Canadian embassy warning Trotsky that Jackson is actually Mercader. Trotsky then strikes Mercader, who responds by hitting Trotsky on the head with an icepick that was hanging on the wall in Trotsky’s room; the series suggests that Trotsky provoked Mercader and that Mercader killed him in self-defense, concealing the fact that Stalin wanted to kill Trotsky because he knew that the conditions of World War II could trigger the political revolution that Trotsky envisioned for the USSR. Because of this and with the perspective of achieving a socialist revolution in the imperialist countries, Trotsky and his followers founded the Fourth International. In an interview between Hitler and the French ambassador Robert Coulondre in August 1939, the latter says “Stalin has abused the dual game” and that in the event of war “the real winner will be Trotsky”. The imperialist bourgeoisie gave the specter of revolution a proper name: Trotsky.
All in all, the series is a justification for the assassination of this “monster” called Trotsky.
We, the undersigned, repudiate this falsification which seeks to bury the most important event in the struggle for the emancipation of the laboring classes from capitalist exploitation and oppression, along with the heritage of its main leaders.
Esteban Volkov (Trotsky’s grandson) and CEIP-LT (Centre of Studies, Research and Publications “Leon Trotsky”) (Argentina, Mexico)
Signatures:
Suzi Weissman, Professor of Politics, Saint Mary’s College of California, Jacobin Radio, co-producer of the forthcoming documentary “Trotsky: The Most Dangerous Man in the World”. (USA)
Robert Brenner, historian, UCLA, Director of Center for Social History and Comparative History (USA).
Mike Davis, writer (USA).
Mike Goldfield, Professor Emeritus of Industrial Relations and Human Resources in the Department of Political Science, Wayne State University, Detroit (USA).
Fredric Jameson, Professor at Duke University (USA).
Nancy Fraser, Professor of philosophy and politics at the New School for Social Research (USA).
Tithi Bhattacharya, Director, Global Studies, Purdue University (USA).
Cinzia Arruzza, Associate Professor of Philosophy at The New School for Social Research (USA).
Paul Le Blanc, Professor of History, La Roche College, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (USA).
Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin Editor (USA).
Slavoj Žižek, philosopher (Slovenia).
Einde O’Callaghan, Administrator, Marxists’ Internet Archive & Encyclopedia of Trotskyism OnLine
Bill V. Mullen, Professor of American Studies and Global Studies, Purdue University (USA).
Bruce Levine, J. G. Randall Distinguished Professor of History Emeritus, University of Illinois (USA).
Asit das, independent researcher and activist, New Delhi (India).
David McNally, Distinguished Professor of History, University of Houston (USA).
Charles Post, sociologist, City University of New York (USA).
Warren Montag, Occidental College, Los Angeles (USA).
Srecko Horvat, philosopher (Croatia).
Mihai Varga, sociologist, Free University of Berlin (Germany / Romania).
Charles-André Udry, Director of Editions Page and A l’encontre (alencontre.org) (Switzerland).
Alexander V. Reznik, historian, National Research University Higher School of Economics (Russia)
Michael Husson, economist (France).
Ernest Drake, Drake Records Store and Label (Germany).
Eric Toussaint, historian and Political Sciences Ph.D., University of Liège (Belgium).
Edwy Plenel, Director of Mediapart and journalist (France).
Michael Löwy, Emeritus Director of Research, CNRS, Paris (France).
Sebastian Budgen, Editor, Verso (London – New York).
Can Irmak Özinanır, purged Research Assistant (Turkey).
Eric Aunoble, historian (Geneva).
Helmut Dahme, Professor in Sociology (Austria).
Alex Callinicos, Professor of European Studies, Department of European and International Studies, King’s College(UK).
Isabelle Garo, philosopher (France).
Catherine Samary, economist, University of Paris Dauphine (France).
Stathis Kouvélakis, philosopher, King’s College (England).
Jean-Jacques Marie, historian (France).
David Pavon Cuellar, Professor of Psychology and Philosophy at Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo (Mexico).
Isabelle Garo, philosopher (France).
Franck Gaudichaud, political scientist, University of Grenoble Alpes (France).
Jean Baptiste Thomas, Professor of Hispanic Studies, Ecole Polytechnique (France).
Jean Batou, professor of International history, University of Lausanne (Switzerland).
Ugo Palheta, sociologist, University of Lille and director of Contretemps web (France).
Beatriz Abramides, Professor from PUC SP and leader of APROPUCSP (Brazil).
Antonio Moscato, historian, University of Salento-Lecce (Italy).
Rolf Wörsdörfer, Professor at Darmstadt Technical University (Germany).
Gabriel García Higueras, historian, University of Lima (Perou).
Daniel Gaido, historian, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (Argentina).
Florian Wilde, Historian (Germany).
Jaime Pastor, political scientist, National University of Distance Learning (Spanish State).
Juan Fajardo, Director of the Spanish Marxist Internet Archive Department.
Juan Dal Maso, Writer and Politologist (Argentina).
Wladek Flakin, Historian (Germany).
Leonidas “noni” Ceruti, Historian (Argentina).
Massimo Modonesi, Professor, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (Mexico).
Claudio Albertani, Professor, Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México (Mexico).
Pablo Pozzi, historian from Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Osvaldo Coggiola, University of San Pablo, USP (Brazil).
Eduardo Grüner, sociologist and essayist (Argentina).
Miguel Vedda, Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, UBA (Argentina).
Stéfanie Prezioso, professor of International history, University of Lausanne (Switzerland).
Jean-Numa Ducange, historian, University of Rouen (France).
Patrick Silberstein, physician, editor of Éditions Syllepse (France).
Antonio Liz, historian (Spanish State).
Joel Ortega Juárez, activist of the 68’, teacher of journalism and retired professor of the UNAM (Mexico).
Esteban Mercatante, Economist, Member of the Editorial Board of Ideas de Izquierda Magazine ( Argentina).
Socialist Forum (Lebanon).
Jason Schulman, co-editor, New Politics (USA).
Christoph Jünke, Historian (Germany)
Emmanuel Barot, Philosopher, Universidad Toulouse Jean Jaures (France).
Mathieu Bonzon, Professor of American Studies, Universidad Paris I (France).
Diego Giacchetti, Historian (Italy).
Héctor Sotomayor (Professor – a researcher at the Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla (Mexico).
Ariane Diaz, Editorial Board “ Ideas de Izquierda” Magazine (Argentina).
Raquel Barbieri Vidal, regisseur from Teatro Colon de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Paula Varela, Professor and Politologist, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Sandy Mcburney, Labor Party- Glasgow (Scotland).
Alejandro Gálvez Cancino, Professor, Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana (Mexico).
Claudia Mazzei Nogueira, Professor, UNIFESP-DS (Brazil).
Jamila M.H.Mascat, Philosopher, Utrecht University (Holland).
Alicia Rojo, Historian, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Pablo Oprinari, Sociologist, CEIP Leon Trotsky (Mexico).
Esteban Fernandez, Professor of Philosophy, Universidad de Costa Rica (Costa Rica).
Fernando Rosso, journalist, La Izquierda Diario (Argentina).
Bernhard H. Bayerlein, Historian and Romance Studies Scholar, Ruhr University (Germany).
Miguel Candioti, Professor of Universidad Nacional de Jujuy (Argentina).
Juan Duarte, Professor, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Paula Bach, Economist, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Pablo Anino, Economist, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Gabriela Liszt, CEIP “Leon Trotsky” (Argentina).
Gaston Gutierrez, Editorial Board “Ideas de Izquierda” (Argentina).
Andrea Robles, Editor, IPS-CEIP “Leon Trotsky” (Argentina).
Gaston Remy, Professor of Economy, Universidad Nacional de Jujuy (Argentina).
Matias Maiello, Sociologist, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Gloria Rodriguez, Director of Núcleo de Estudios del Trabajo y la Conflictividad Social, Professor at Humanities and Arts Department, Universidad Nacional de Rosario (Argentina).
Nick Brauns, historian, and journalist (Germany).
Max Delupi, journalist and actor (Córdoba, Argentina).
Livia Vargas Gonzalez, Professor of philosophy and history, UCV-UFOP (Venezuela-Brazil).
Hernan Camarero, historian, and researcher from Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Leonidas “Noni” Ceruti, historian (Rosario, Argentina).
Ricardo Antunes, Professor of Sociology at Universidad Estadual de Campinas, UNICAMP (Brazil).
Kevin B. Anderson, Professor of Sociology, Political Science and Feminist Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara (USA).
Horacio Gonzalez, sociologist, and writer, former director of the National Library of Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Pierre Rousset, Europe Solidarie et sans Frontieres (France).
Valerio Arcary, Professor at Instituto Federal de San Pablo, IFSP (Brazil).
Jorge Aleman, therapist, and writer (Argentina/Spanish State)
Alejandro Horowicz, Professor, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Elsa Drucaroff, professor and writer (Argentina).
Andrea D’Atri, psychologist, founder of the Pan y Rosas feminist caucus (Argentina).
Gilbert Pago, Professor of history, former director of the IUFM Martinique, a specialist in History of the Caribbean and the French Antilles and in History of women in these countries.
Claudio Katz, economist, and researcher of the CONICET (Argentina).
Steve A. Smith, Professor of history, Oxford University (USA).
Olga Fernandez Ordonez, daughter of Carlos Fernandez, guard of Trotsky in his exile in Mexico (Mexico).
Pablo Bonavena, Professor of sociology, Universidad Nacional de la Plata and Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argentina).
Jorge Gonzalorena Doll, sociologist and historian (Chile).
Paolo Casciola, historian (UNAM and UAM-X / Mexico, UBA / Argentina).
Ted Stolze, Department of Philosophy, Cerritos College, Norwalk (USA).
Guillermo Almeyra, historian (UNAM and UAM / Mexico, UBA / Argentina).
Alejandro Schneider, historian UBA / UNLP (Argentina).
Darren Roso, independent researcher, Melbourne (Australia).
Phil Gasper, editorial committee International Socialist Review; professor emerito, Notre Dame de Namur University (France).
Samuel Farber, historian, CUNY (USA).
G. M. Tamas, philosopher, Central University (Budapest, Hungary).
Chechino Antonini, journalist, director of L’Anticapitalista (Italy).
Iuiri Tonelo, editor of Esquerda Diario and PhD in Sociology from the Universidad Estadual de Campinas (Brazil).
David Walters, administrator of the Encyclopedia of Trotskyism on-line / Marxists Internet Archive.
Francesca Gargallo Celentani, writer and feminist (Mexico).
Eduardo Lucita, member of Economistas de Izquierda (Argentina).
Carlos Rodriguez, journalist, Pagina 12 (Argentina).
Alma Bolon, Professor, Universidad de la Republica (Uruguay).
Edison Urbano, director of the magazine Ideas de Esquerda (Brazil).
Octavio Crivaro, sociologist, Rosario (Argentina).
Omar Vazquez Heredia, Doctor in Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Venezuela).
Sima Aprahamian, Ph. D., Research Associate, Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University (USA).
Juan Cruz Ferre, Editorial Board Left Voice (USA).
Alan Wald, Professor, H. Chandler Davis Collegiate Professor Emeritus, University of Michigan (USA).
Anthony Arnove, editor, Haymarket Books (Chicago, USA)
Tatiana Cozzarelli, Left Voice Editorial Board, member of the Socialist Feminist Group of DSA (USA).
Silvia Aguilera, Editor, LOM Ediciones (Chile).
Paulo Slachevsky, Editor, LOM Ediciones (Chile).
Mercedes D’Alessandro, Economist, Economia Feminista (Argentina).
Alfonso Claverias, Federal Deputy of Huesca, Podemos (Spanish State).
Brian Kelly, 2002 Isaac and Tamara Deutscher Memorial Prize Recipient; Reader in History, Queens University Belfast
Kevin Murphy, 2005 Isaac and Tamara Deutscher Memorial Prize Recipient, Lecturer in Russian History, University of Massachusetts Boston
Pranav Jani, Associate Professor, English, The Ohio State University
Neil Rogall, (retired) City and Islington College (UK)
Dr Liam Ward, Lecturer in Media and Communication, RMIT University, Australia
Julius Arscott, Ontario Public Service Employees Union, Toronto Region 5 Executive Board Member
Matthew Craig, history and politics student, Universität Siegen (Germany/New Zealand)
Rob Marsden, administrator of the “Splits & Fusions” online archive of Trotskyist publications.
Matthew Flisfeder, Assistant Professor, University of Winnipeg (Canada)
Katerina Matsas, psychiatrist, member of the EEK (Greece)
Thodoros Koutsoumbos, Editor of the newspaper ‘NEA PROOPTIKI’ (Greece)
Yannis Aggelis, member of the Executive Committee of the Union of Journalists of Athens-Greece/ESIEA (Greece)
Dr. Axel Fair-Schulz, Ph.D. Associate Professor Department of History, State University of New York at Potsdam (USA)
Political Parties:
Nicolás del Caño, Myriam Bregman, Emilio Albamonte, Christian Castillo, from Partido de Trabajadores por el Socialismo (Argentina); Santiago Lupe, Lucia Mistal y Veronica Landa from Corriente Revolucionaria de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras (Spanish State); Sulem Estrada, Miriam Hernandez y Mario Caballero, from Movimiento de los Trabajadores Socialistas (México); Ángel Arias, from Liga de Trabajadores por el Socialismo (Venezuela); Javo Ferreira, Violeta Tamayo y Elio Aduviri from Liga Obrera Revolucionaria por la Cuarta Internacional (Bolivia);Simone Ishibashi, Diana Assunção and Maíra Machado from Movimento Revolucionário de Trabalhadores (Brazil); Stefan Schneider from Revolutionären Internationalistischen Organisation (Germany); Damien Bernard, Juan Chingo y Daniela Cobet from Révolution Permanente (France); Sebastián Artigas from Corriente de Trabajadores Socialistas (Uruguay); Dauno Totoro Partido de Trabajadores Revolucionarios (Chile) [Fracción Trotskista por la Cuarta Internacional (FT-CI)].
Baba Aye, Socialist Workers and Youth League (SWL) (Nigeria).
Giacomo Turci, Scilla Di Pietro – Frazione Internazionalista Rivoluzionaria (FIR) – La Voce delle Lotte; Massimo Civitani – SI Cobas, coordinamento di Roma (Italy).
Romina del Plá, Néstor Pitrola, Jorge Altamira, Marcelo Ramal, Gabriel Solano dirigentes del Partido Obrero (Argentina).
Rafael Fernández, Natalia Leiva, Lucía Siola and Nicolás Marrero, Partido de los Trabajadores (Uruguay).
Philippe Poutou, Olivier Besancenot, Alain Krivine and Christine Poupin, Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste (France).
Gaël Quirante, Sud Poste 92 (France), Anasse Kazib, Sud Rail (France) and Vincent Duse, CGT PSA Mulhouse (Francia). Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste (Francia).
Nathalie Arthaud, Arlette Laguiller, Armonia Bordes, Chantal Cauquil, Lutte Ouvrière (France).
Guilherme Boulos, former presidential candidate, PSOL and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (Brazil).
Marcelo Freixo, federal deputy, PSOL Rio de Janeiro (Brazil).
Tarcisio Motta, congressman, PSOL Rio de Janeiro (Brazil).
Juliano Medeiros, President of the PSOL (Brazil).
Movimento Esquerda Socialista: Luciana Genro, former presidential candidate, state deputy (PSOL); Roberto Robaina, PSOL; Israel Dutra, PSOL; Pedro Fuentes, Editor, Izquierda em Movimento. Fernanda Melchionna, David Miranda, Sâmia Bomfim, federal deputies (PSOL) (Brazil).
Corrente Socialista dos Trabalhadores/ PSOL: Babá, congressman Río de Janeiro (PSOL); Pedro Rosa, directo of SINTUFF and CST/PSOL; Rosi Messias, PSOL (Brazil).
Isa Penna, state deputy, PSOL São Paulo; Fernando Silva, PSOL – Insurgência (Brazil).
Colectivo Comunismo e Liberdade – PSOL (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil).
Comuna – PSOL (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil).
Alan Woods, International Marxist Tendency, Editor, In Defence of Marxism. Rob Sewell, International Marxist Tendency, Editor, Socialist Appeal (UK).
Juan Carlos Giordano, Mercedes Petit, Izquierda Socialista, (Argentina); Orlando Chirino Partido, Socialismo y Libertad (Venezuela); Enrique Fernández Chacón, UNIOS (Perú); Enrique Gómez Delgado, Movimiento al Socialismo (México). [Unidad Internacional de los Trabajadores-Cuarta Internacional (UIT-CI)]
Alejandro Bodart, Sergio García, Celeste Fierro, Vilma Ripoll, Guillermo Pacagnini, Mariano Rosa, Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores (Argentina) and Anticapitalistas en Red-IV Internacional.
Paula Quinteiro (Galician Deputy); Raul Carmago (Madrid Deputy); Jesús Rodríguez (Economist); Ángela Aguilera (Andalusian Deputy); Ana Villaverde (Andalusian Deputy); Mari García (Andalusian Deputy); Sonia Farré (Spanish Deputy). [Anticapitalistas (Spanish State)
Franco Turigliatto, former senator, Partido de la Refundación Comunista, Director of Sinistra Anticapitalista (Italy).
Alan Maass, Editor, Socialist Worker and SocialistWorker.org, International Socialist Organization.
Peter Taaffe, Socialist Party of England and Wales.
Tony Saunois, CWI/SocialistWorld.
Thiess Gleiss, Die LINKE (Germany); Lucy Redler, Die LINKE and SAV (Germany).
Manuel Aguilar Mora, historian, Universidad Autónoma de México, Liga por la Unidad Socialista (México).
Roman Munguia Huato, Ismael Contreras Plata, Liga por la Unidad Socialista and Movimiento de Reconstrucción Sindical del magisterio (México).
Edgard Sanchez, Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (México).
José Luis Hernández Ayala, Pedro Gellert, Heather Dashner Monk, Marcos Fuentes, Emilio Téllez Contreras and Héctor Valadez George, Coordinadora Socialista Revolucionaria (México).
Cuauhtémoc Ruiz Ortiz, Partido Obrero Socialista (México).
Savas Michael-Matsas, writer, secretary of the EEK (Workers Revolutionary Party) (Greece)
This list will be updated periodically.
Sunday, February 10, 2019
Friday, January 25, 2019
Monday, January 14, 2019
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